Part II
"Why New Hampshire?" The book published in the run-up to the 2004 New Hampshire Presidential Primary by Secretary of State Bill Gardner and the late Hugh Gregg celebrates the lead-off primary, but it is not really written with any promotional flair. The authors present a buffet of facts and figures, anecdotes and historical points. Confident as they are in the New Hampshire Primary being a national asset, they put it all out there for readers to absorb and to appreciate.
As in past challenges to New Hampshire's treasured role, state officials from the two main political parties tend to deploy defensive strategies both openly and behind the scenes. Candidate pledges, asking candidates to boycott states that challenge the traditional role, have become part of the arsenal in the past decade. It's also a game of the last man standing, with Gardner content to wait other states out in order to follow state law, which requires the New Hampshire Primary to be held at least seven days before a similar contest.
Once again, Michigan Sen. Carl Levin has it out for New Hampshire. He continues to complain the state is not representative of the nation. Well, he’s right. The state is singular in a number of ways, some of which could be qualifications for the nation’s first voters.
Beyond political savvy, the 2006 American Community Survey released by the Census Bureau indicates Granite Staters are smarter than their neighbors in other early nominating states. New Hampshire ranks ninth when it comes to the percentage of people 25 and older with a bachelor’s degree. Other states? Michigan 35th, Iowa 37th, and South Carolina 40th.
Michigan, the eighth largest state by population, packs economic wallop and the likes of Detroit does not have an equal. But here, Michigan and New Hampshire share a little common ground. Michigan has the third highest percentage of civilians employed in manufacturing. Little New Hampshire had the fourteenth highest percentage in the state ranking, a surprisingly strong rank for mill troubles of the North Country.
On kitchen table issues, New Hampshire similarly scores a demographic high. New Hampshire and Iowa tied for fifth – only behind Utah, Idaho, South Dakota and Wyoming – on the percentage of households that are married-couple families. Michigan was twenty-sixth on this obscure statistic. But enough of Census data. The numbers that really count, Gardner underscores in his book and in interview after interview: Voter turnout.
That, the modest Secretary of State might say, is the real New Hampshire Advantage.